Tag Archives: Criminal Justice

Sentencing Commission Releases 2017 Federal Crime Statistics

Last week the United States Sentencing Commission released its 2017 Annual Report and 2017 Sourcebook of Federal Sentencing. FY2017 encompasses the federal government’s fiscal year October 1, 2016 to September 30, 2017 and includes data on sentencings occurring during this period and reported to the Commission before February 14, 2018.  Together the Report and Sourcebook represent the annual report required by 28 U.S.C. § 997, as well as analysis, recommendations, and accounting referenced in 28 U.S.C. § 994(w)(3).

The 2017 Annual Report provides information on the Commission’s activities, such as conducting research, collecting and reporting sentencing data, sentencing policy development (i.e., guideline amendments), and training and outreach.

The 273-page 2017 Sourcebook contains sentencing statistics on a wide range of variables—such as length of sentences and adjustments for various primary offenses—in each federal judicial circuit and district, reflected in tables, figures, and pie charts.  The information in the Sourcebook is also available in the Commission’s online resource Interactive Sourcebook of Federal Sentencing Statistics. The data in the interactive sourcebook can be tailored to any district or group of districts.  Here are some highlights from the Sourcebook data:

  • In FY 2017, the courts reported 66,873 felony and Class A misdemeanor cases to the Commission. This represents a decrease of 869 cases from the prior fiscal year.
  • The race of federal offenders remained largely unchanged from prior years. In FY 2017, 53.2 percent of all offenders were Hispanic, 21.5 percent were White, 21.1 percent were Black, and 4.2 percent were of another race. Non-U.S. citizens accounted for 40.7 percent of all offenders.
  • Drug cases accounted for the largest single group of offenses in FY 2017, comprising 30.8 percent of all reported cases. Cases involving immigration, firearms, and fraud were the next most common types of offenses after drug cases. Together these four types of offenses accounted for 82.4 percent of all cases reported to the Commission in FY 2017.
  • Among drug cases, offenses involving methamphetamine were most common, accounting for 34.6 percent of all drug cases.
  • Drug sentences remained relatively stable across all drug types in fiscal year 2017. The average length of imprisonment increased slightly from FY 2016 in cases involving methamphetamines, from 90 months to 91 months, and also in marijuana cases, from 28 months to 29 months. In fiscal year 2017, 44.2 percent of drug offenders were convicted of an offense carrying a mandatory minimum penalty.

 

Study Reveals No Relationship Between Prison Terms For Drug Offenses And Rates Of Drug Use, Arrests, Or Overdose Deaths

The PEW Charitable Trusts issued a brief, earlier this month,  reporting on the relationship between prison terms and the reduction in rates of drug use, arrests, and overdose deaths.

The analysis found no statistically significant relationship between drug imprisonment rates and three indicators of state drug problems: drug use, drug overdose deaths, and drug arrests. “In other words, higher rates of drug imprisonment did not translate into lower rates of drug use, arrests, or overdose deaths.” The PEW study also revealed that in states that had revised their drug penalties, prison populations had been reduced without an increase in crime rates.

Additionally, in South Carolina, after the state expanded probation and parole opportunities for people convicted of drug offenses, the prison population decreased by 14 percent, a larger proportion of the state’s inmates were convicted of violent offenses, and the violent crime rate dropped by 16 percent between 2010 and 2015.

The brief concluded that research revealed that “some strategies for reducing drug use and crime are more effective than others and that imprisonment ranks near the bottom of the list.”

In Unique Move, Federal Court of Appeals Urges Supreme Court to Sanity on Gun Statue Overkill

In United States v. Rivera-Ruperto, No. 12-2364, 2018 WL 1060694 (1st Cit. Feb. 27, 2018), the en banc First Circuit unanimously “urge[d] the Supreme Court to consider whether the Eighth Amendment permits . . .  the mandatory stacking of sentences under § 924(c) that—due to their cumulative length—necessarily results in the imposition of a mandatory sentence of life without parole.” Id. at 22.

The decision comes from a concurring opinion by Circuit Judge Barron, joined by all First Circuit Judges, to an order denying a petition for rehearing and rehearing en banc. Defendant Rivera-Ruperto was convicted in the United States District Court for the District of Puerto Rico, of conspiracy and attempted possession with intent to distribute controlled substance, possession of firearm in relation to drug trafficking crime, and possession of firearm with obliterated serial number.  His convictions stemmed from a federal sting operation that targeted Puerto Rican police officers.  “As part of that sting, Rivera participated, while armed, in a number of supposed ‘deals’ involving large amounts of fake cocaine in which agents of the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) posed as both buyers and sellers.”

Rivera-Ruperto was sentenced to a 161-year and ten-month prison term, 130 years of which were for six convictions under 18 U.S.C. 924(c). Section 924(c) mandated that the defendant get 130-years imprisonment for his six 924(c) violations—five years for the first conviction, plus twenty-five years for each of the subsequent convictions—even though all but one of his convictions were imposed at the same trial and the defendant had no prior criminal history.

On appeal, Rivera-Ruperto argued that his sentence was grossly disproportionate as to be unconstitutional under the Eighth Amendment in as much as his 924(c) convictions required a life sentence.  Indeed, as Judge Brannon’s concurrence observes, Rivera-Ruperto received a de facto life “even though this case is replete with factors that—under a discretionary sentencing regime—would surely have been relevant to a judge’s individualized rather than arithmetical assessment of whether what Rivera did should not only be punished severely but also deprive him (absent a pardon or commutation) of any hope of ever enjoying freedom again.” Id. at 2.

Judge Barron’s en banc concurrence examines Eighth Amendment proportionality jurisprudence exhaustively.  Applying the Supreme Court’s three-criteria framework for evaluating whether the length of a prison term is impermissibly disproportionate to the seriousness of the offense, see Solem v. Helm , 463 U.S. 277, 292 (1983) (holding sentence of life imprisonment for uttering no acount check for $100 violated the Eighth Amendment), Judge Barron explained, “based on a consideration of those criteria, . . . I would find that Rivera’s mandatory, more-than-century-long sentence was grossly disproportionate and thus in violation of the Eighth Amendment.”

But the opinion recognizes that “Solem . . . is not the last word” from the Supreme Court. Rather, Judge Barron concluded: “I am compelled by precedent—and, in particular, by the nearly three-decades old, three-Justice concurrence in Harmelin v. Michigan, 501 U.S. 957, 1006 (1991) (opinion of Kennedy, J.)—to uphold Rivera’s greater-than-life sentence.”  Hamerlin held the imposition of a mandatory life in prison sentence without possibility of parole, without any consideration of mitigating factors, such as the fact that the petitioner had no prior criminal history, was not cruel and unusual punishment under the Eighth Amendment.  Hamerlin did not produce a majority opinion and the Supreme Court has recognized that Justice Kennedy’s three-judge concurrence in Hamerlin is controlling.  See Graham v. Florida, 650 U.S. 48, 60 (2011).

After explaining why Hamerlin compelled affirmance of Rivera-Ruperto’s sentence, the concurrence addressed several reasons why the Supreme Court should “revisit the logic of the Hamerlin concurrence,” at least as it relates to 924(c) stacking.  The First Circuit decision ends with these concluding paragraphs:

Rivera faces the longest and most unforgiving possible prison sentence for conduct that, though serious, is not of the most serious kind. He does so not because the legislature had authorized its imposition and a judge had then considered all of the aggravating and mitigating circumstances and determined that this sentence was appropriate. He does so only because Congress has been deemed to have made a blanket judgment that even an offender like Rivera—who has no prior criminal record and whose series of related crimes resulted in no harm to an identifiable victim—should have no hope of ever living free. And he does so even though virtually every comparable jurisdiction punishes comparable criminal conduct less harshly, and even though the federal government itself punishes nearly the same or seemingly worse conduct more leniently.

Almost three decades have now passed since the concurring Justices in Harmelin concluded, without reference to real-world comparative benchmarks, that the Eighth Amendment afforded the Michigan legislature the scope to try out what at the time was viewed as a permissible sentencing experiment to address a newly concerning crime problem. In those intervening decades, virtually no jurisdiction has been willing to replicate that state’s experiment. In fact, even the state that the Harmelin concurrence permitted to try it has abandoned it. And yet the Harmelin concurrence still controls.

In my view, a consequence as grave as the one that Harmelin requires in a case like this should have the imprimatur of more than only a nearly three-decade old, three-Justice concurrence. I thus urge the Supreme Court to consider whether the Eighth Amendment permits, at least in a case such as this, the mandatory stacking of sentences under § 924(c) that—due to their cumulative length—necessarily results in the imposition of a mandatory sentence of life without parole.

Federal Bureau of Prisons Claims Its Inmates Have Better Mental Health Than The General Population

Three weeks ago the Government Accountability Office released a report to congressional committees titled Federal Prisons: Information on Inmates with Serious Mental Illness and Strategies to Reduce Recidvisim.

The Sentinel just reviewed it.

The report notes that an estimated 44.7 million adults in the United States suffered from mental illness in 2016, with about 10.4 million suffering from a serious mental illness, such as schizophrenia, bipolar disorder, major depression, and severe post-traumatic stress disorder.  As of May 27, 2017, BOP incarcerated about 187,910—BOP considered only 7,831 (4.2 percent) of these inmates to have a serious mental health illness.

For comparison sake, there are approximately 245 million adults in the United States.   Using the same criteria that the BOP does, 21.6 million Americans have serious mental illness.

BOP defines “serious mental illness” in accordance with BOP Program Statement 5310.16, Treatment and Care of Inmates with Mental Ilness. (May 1, 2014).

The BOP’s estimate seems shockingly low given that another division of the DOJ, the Bureau of Justice Statistics, in a 2006 Report, estimated that the prevalence of mental health problems among jail and prison inmates is much higher, being approximately 20% in prison and 21% in local jails.

At 21.6 million adults with serious mental illness – using the BOP’s own criteria – 8.8% of the general population suffer from it, yet in the BOP the number of inmates suffering with one is less than half that percentage.

Apparently, one must is more likely to find sanity among federal inmates than in one’s favorite local dining establishment.

Here are some highlights from the GAO’s report:

About two-thirds of inmates with a serious mental illness in the Department of Justice’s (DOJ) Federal Bureau of Prisons (BOP) were incarcerated for four types of offenses—drug (23 percent), sex offenses (18 percent), weapons and explosives (17 percent), and robbery (8 percent)—as of May 27, 2017. GAO’s analysis found that BOP inmates with serious mental illness were incarcerated for sex offenses, robbery, and homicide/aggravated assault at about twice the rate of inmates without serious mental illness, and were incarcerated for drug and immigration offenses at about half or less the rate of inmates without serious mental illness. GAO also analyzed available data on three selected states’ inmate populations and the most common crimes committed by inmates with serious mental illness varied from state to state due to different law enforcement priorities, definitions of serious mental illness and methods of tracking categories of crime in their respective data systems.

BOP does not track costs related to incarcerating or providing mental health care services to inmates with serious mental illness, but BOP and selected states generally track these costs for all inmates. BOP does not track costs for inmates with serious mental illness in part because it does not track costs for individual inmates due to resource restrictions and the administrative burden such tracking would require. BOP does track costs associated with mental health care services system-wide and by institution. System-wide, for fiscal year 2016, BOP spent about $72 million on psychology services, $5.6 million on psychotropic drugs and $4.1 million on mental health care in residential reentry centers. . . .

DOJ, Department of Health and Human Service’s Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA), and criminal justice and mental health experts have developed a framework to reduce recidivism among adults with mental illness. The framework calls for correctional agencies to assess individuals’ recidivism risk and substance abuse and mental health needs and target treatment to those with the highest risk of reoffending. To help implement this framework, SAMHSA, in collaboration with DOJ and other experts, developed guidance for mental health, correctional, and community stakeholders on (1) assessing risk and clinical needs, (2) planning treatment in custody and upon reentry based on risks and needs, (3) identifying post-release services, and (4) coordinating with community-based providers to avoid gaps in care. BOP and the six states also identified strategies for reducing recidivism consistent with thisguidance, such as memoranda of understanding between correctional and mental health agencies to coordinate care. Further, GAO’s literature review found that programs that reduced recidivism among offenders with mental illness generally offered multiple support services, such as mental health and substance abuse treatment, case management, and housing assistance.

The Sentinel has been unable to identify any actual programs within the BOP which currently address anything like housing and case management (halfway house programs excluded as these are being severely cut back in 2018).

One inmate with previously diagnosed “serious mental health issues” presently in the BOP’s care, speaking on the condition of anonymity, relayed to the Sentinel that after several attempts to seek care, he was finally placed with an inexperienced intern who dismissed his ongoing and worsening problems with the suggestion that he take longer showers because, “…that always helps me unwind.”

He also reports that shortly after receiving that sage advice, the BOP instituted a nationwide policy electronically limiting shower duration to 7 minutes as a part of a deal to save money.

The Sentinel has confirmed this policy change.

The recently appointed Director of the BOP, General Mark Inch, could not be reached by the Sentinel for comment, but a review of the United States Army’s overall care of inmates during his tenure as Provost Marshal gives some hope that things will improve during his term.

Crime Rate Falls In 2017

A year-end analysis of by the Brennan Center for Justice, titled Crime in 2017: Updated Analysis, directly undercuts any claims that there is a nationwide crime wave.  According to the report, “[a]ll measures of crime in the 30 largest American cities—the overall crime rate, violent crime rate, and murder rate—are estimated to decline in 2017,” although there are some cities where violence has increased, like Chicago and Charlotte.   Here are some key findings of the Brennan Center’s analysis:

  • The overall crime rate in the 30 largest cities in 2017 is estimated to decline slightly from 2016, falling by 2.7 percent.
  • The violent crime rate will also decrease slightly, by 1.1 percent, essentially remaining stable.
  • The 2017 murder rate in the 30 largest cities is estimated to decline by 5.6 percent. Large decreases this year in Chicago (down 11.9 percent) and Detroit (down 9.8 percent), as well as small decreases in other cities, contributed to this decline. New York City’s murder rate will also decline again, to 3.3 killings per 100,000 people.
  • Some cities are projected to see their murder rates rise, including Charlotte (54.6 percent) and Baltimore (11.3 percent).